After coffee was over and Rory had popped off to attend to paperwork, Malika and Sarah took us back down through Westminster Hall and to a little parliamentary cafe, where we planned to have lunch. A quick trip to the ladies’ room resulted in our being forced to queue behind two hundred primary schoolers, all twittering in those high bird-like voices that children have. They moved surprisingly quickly, however, and soon we were all seated around a distressingly small table, munching sandwiches and muffins and comparing notes. For some reason, Malika had handed one of us the official Westminster tour script, which she’d been referring to when showing us round, and we all had a look at it. The introduction is full of dire warnings to tour guides. Apparently, tours “must run in a smooth sequence to avoid blocking pinch points; like a Ferris wheel, parts of it cannot stop if the rest of it is to keep moving”. Guides are also enjoined to “beware the eager visitor, who will always stand near the front of the group and ask questions”, and, my absolute favorite, “Beware jokes…There is a wealth of historical humour available for use (e.g. the sayings of Churchill or Disraeli); do not be tempted to use the latest reports in the media to raise a laugh.” It’s difficult to pin down precisely why the pedantry of that is so funny, but somehow it very much is. The idea of “a wealth of historical humour” from which one can select approved witticisms, like Swedish parents picking a name for their child off the prescreened list, is simply too good.
After this, we discovered that we were about to be late, and so hurried back through Westminster Hall to the lobby of the Houses, where we waited with perhaps thirty-five other people for the session to be opened. At the beginning of each session the Speaker of the House (at the moment, John Bercow) takes his place, and this is done with all of the pageantry which makes Parliament simultaneously ridiculous and awe-inspiring. As we stood and waited, several policemen moved, quietly and subtly but unmistakably, in front of the crowd, forming a cordon. There was a moment or two of awkward silence as everyone gazed expectantly down the corridor, and then a man in white tie and tails appeared, threw back his head, and shouted in a remarkably sing-song tone, “SPEEEEEAAAAA-KERRRRRR!” After a pregnant pause during which I could hear the Duchess next to me trying to suppress helpless giggling (she has since confessed that she expected John Bercow to respond, from around the corner, “CO-MIIIINNGG!”), a procession appeared. It was headed by a solemn man holding a very large and heavy-looking golden sceptre, followed by someone else in white tie and tailcoat, followed by the Speaker himself, clad in a lounge suit and what looked like an academic gown. Apparently, Bercow is the first Speaker to get rid of traditional dress entirely: they used to wear wigs, knee breeches and silk stockings, an outfit known as “court dress.” He was flanked by a couple of lackeys, who were wearing court dress, and a man in what I think was a QC’s gown. It was all most impressive (and I’m sure I’ve got some of the details wrong. I do apologize, but I’ve been looking on both Wikipedia, which should not be discounted as a source of extremely useful information, and Parliament’s own website, and neither of them can provide clarification.) They proceeded into the debating chamber, the doors slammed shut, the policemen moved away from us, and we were free to head up into the public gallery.
The tickets we held were for a Special Gallery, which as far as I could ascertain simply meant that we got seats slightly closer to the front. In the House of Commons, the public gallery is above the main chamber, to the left-hand side of the opposition. They used to have a separate gallery for women during the Golden Age of Parliament, the mid-to-late nineteenth century, on which Trollope is so illuminating. The women’s gallery was fitted with metal grills so that neither the ladies nor the MPs would be unduly distracted by each other’s presence, a practice and rationale startlingly reminiscent of purdah. Suffragettes chained themselves to the grills in the early twentieth century, and they were removed shortly afterwards; now they’re displayed in the lobby. The public is still kept at some distance from its elected representatives, however; the gallery is glass-fronted. This is probably a good thing, as it seems not unlikely that some enterprising young politicos (or lunatics) might choose to draw attention to their cause by hurling themselves down into the debating chamber. Still, you can see everything. The House of Commons is decorated entirely in green, green being, apparently, a “common” color. (Don’t ask me why.) The Speaker sits on a raised chair at the far end of the room; in front of him is a desk where the clerk of the house (currently Robert Rogers, who sports a lush white beard and curly moustache) sits and records, and a long table which stretches down half the length of the chamber, containing papers, books and dispatch boxes. This is the table to which frontbenchers (government ministers and members of the Shadow Cabinet) stand when they give speeches and answer questions. The opposition benches (Labour, in this case) are on the Speaker’s left; the government benches (Tory and, though there were fewer of them, Lib Dem) are on his right.
Now that I’ve got you oriented (and believe me, it took me long enough to work it out, even with Darcy’s extremely helpful running commentary in my ear): we got there in time to watch Michael Gove answer questions on education. Now, I know very little about Michael Gove’s education policies and it is entirely possible that I would dislike them greatly if I did, but the man has at least one thing going for him, and that is the fact that he is a tremendous speaker. He’s witty, clever, amusing, fluent, and positively refuses to be drawn into the sort of futile, mimsy, bickering nonsense that many MPs seem to consider their duty. At one point, an opposition member stood up and asked if he would apologize for something or other; Gove leaped to his feet, leaned over the dispatch box, snapped, “Absolutely not,” and sank back onto the bench again. And that, remarkably, was an end to it. No one bothered to push the demand for an apology any further; he was too strong-willed. He is also a talented practitioner of the Parliamentary strategy of Not Answering the Question. He does it so well that you practically don’t notice: someone asks something, he picks up on one word or phrase, follows that off in another direction, and ends up making his party’s point for the half-dozenth time. It is most impressive. On only one topic did I feel the impulse to argue with him on the spot, and even then I suspect it would have been great fun: it was when an opposition member accused him of wanting to drag the national English curriculum back into the nineteenth century. This daunted Gove not at all. “Actually,” he said, “I think the nineteenth century is exactly where it should be. I believe,” he continued expansively, “in the value of Jane Austen, of Charles Dickens, of Thomas Hardy; I believe in the canon of great literature, and I believe that our children have the right to be exposed to the best work that the best minds have produced.” The peroration lasted for somewhat longer, but that, you understand, was the gist. I wanted to pick a fight with him on the subject because the idea of a canon is one that ought to fill everyone with at least a tinge of suspicion. Canons are only canons because of common consent, and they tend to include works that we privilege as possessing “superior literary merit” for extremely tenuous reasons. “Literary merit” is a highly nebulous term. Do we mean that the work is written grammatically? Do we mean that it reinforces values and ideas that we hold in high regard? Yes, generally, we mean both. Whose values do we esteem and respect, then? What lessons do we agree our children ought to be taught about the world? What you read determines how you think, and English curricula are no less valuable as tools of propaganda than television advertisements. Also, quantitatively, the nineteenth-century novel is simply over-represented at the moment. George Eliot and Dickens and Austen and Hardy are great and important writers, but Britain has produced other great and important writers too, not to mention genres other than the novel. I’m sorry and I shall dismount from my soapbox now, but I do feel that someone ought to set the Education Secretary straight on this.
After education questions, there was the beginning of a debate on the Leveson Inquiry. I wish I could be more illuminating about this too, but unfortunately it was that time of the afternoon where I always begin to feel a bit sleepy. The debating chamber was quite warm, we had all been up early that morning, and as Maria Miller stepped up to the dispatch box I could feel myself beginning to slide into somnolence. Enough of Miller’s speech came through, however, for me to consider her sympathetic but a touch out of her depth. She suffered constant interruptions from her own side and the opposition, and was perhaps too generous in giving way; consequently, I cannot tell you what she proposed as the government’s response to the findings of the Inquiry. The debate seemed to be over whether any legislative action should be taken, or whether the press should be left to regulate itself. Self-regulation, which has been the status quo since the 1940s, appears to have been an abominable failure; the recommendation of Leveson is that there be an independent body to oversee the press’s self-regulatory committee. It strikes me that such a body would most likely be both cumbersome and wasteful. In theory, I have no problem with legislation on the subject. It would certainly be more likely to create an effective barrier against invasion of privacy. The downside, of course, is that the English press would then be officially censored, whether anyone admitted the fact or not. Few people (except for Ian Hislop and one or two MPs) seem to be mentioning that, actually, phone hacking and other such tactics are not “bad” because they are immoral (although they are that, too); they are “bad” because they’re illegal. Shall we prosecute journalists who break the law, and leave the rest of them to get on with their jobs? Seems reasonable.
Anyway, it was all getting very involved, and halfway through Jack Straw’s speech, I fell asleep. I woke up to find Darcy and the Duchess poking me. “We’re going now”, someone whispered, and a glance at the clock revealed that it was nearly five. We would have to hurry if we wanted to get to mass at Westminster. The others put their visitor tags on a hook by the exit, but I pocketed mine, and we walked out into the bright cold lights of central London again.